At no point in its extended and distinguished record had the local transit from Windsor to Staines experienced such a welcome. Accompanied by police, followed by international media, the vibrant single-decker made its way regally up Windsor’s high street, while spectators stretched to see of the single senior inside. “He’s not there,” muttered one man, a bit pointlessly.
It was such an occasion on the shores of the Thames: plenty of enthusiasm over not much, a sideshow that felt largely marginal to the pageantry occurring within the sealed castle grounds. “I’m afraid not much is going to happen, madam,” advised a police officer a woman filming a social media video from the kerb, as he directed her further back toward the pavement.
Naturally, certain things actually occur, though not much of major importance in the broader context. Individuals yelled things at each other. Discussions grew heated over Gaza. People waved flags and brandished placards. A man in a political cap tried a pub treat from the local eatery and made a face. Television runners shuttled up and down Castle Hill bringing coffees to on-screen talent. Light rain fell.
Windsor was a crowded space watching other people see things, all at once pleased by their physical proximity to the central happening and dismayed by their inability to influence it.
“Our team is prepared for whatever may occur that will unfold on or around the water,” stated Sgt Lyn Smith, chief of a combined marine unit representing Thames Valley and Hampshire police. As the presidential party neared Windsor, almost the only thing occurring near the water was a swan relieving itself.
Naturally, this spectacle without substance was partly built into the plan, the expected outcome of a state visit whose guiding principle was to steer clear of any possible contact with the general public. Whereas Trump and King Charles reviewed the guard, the crowd outside was left entirely to its own devices. A bit of advice: if you tell a political fan that his oversized flag only has 49 stars on it, he’ll still be checking them half an hour later.
Nevertheless, everyone was here and the broadcasts were ongoing, so how was each outlet going to occupy their broadcasts? One major network seemed to spend a large portion of time showing aerial shots of the castle. “Our top story today, historic structure stays upright.”
“Observe some drops of rain on the camera there, and rain clearly has an effect on flying,” an analyst filibustered on a television network in an effort to explain why Trump’s helicopter was had not yet taken off. Obviously some different amusements was required.
Step forward: the superfans. And they are not ever in short supply at events like these, drawn like moths to a media pool, obligingly filling lengthy periods of silent moments with their antics. There was a guy dressed from head to toe in UK and US flags. There was a woman with a restrained alsatian wrapped in a campaign apparel. There was a guy who had spent two days creating a picture of Trump as a early human, carrying King Charles on his back like a baby. There were people outside the outdoor clothing shop having blazing rows about the meaning of genocide. All found a willing audience among the itinerant correspondents hungry for content, any copy, any kind of detail.
One understands how quickly what is considered political opinion in this country is influenced by the loudest – and by extension the most unconventional – people.
It could be it is unavoidable that any spectacle will attract a few eccentrics. But this does also seem to be a characteristic very particular to Trump: the unfailing ability to attract outcasts and nonconformists wherever he goes. Let’s face it: Trump himself is just a very unusual guy, the kind of individual you imagine would come from an regrettable nuclear accident involving a large block of orange cheese. And in a sense his entire time in office has been a kind of bat signal to the discontented, the credulous, the conspiracy-curious, the less than conscious. Misfits of the world, unite. We assemble at Windsor at daybreak. Put on whatever you like.
Royals. Police. Journalists. The Hampshire and Berkshire branches of the Trump fanclub. Was there anyone here remotely normal? “Not in Windsor,” remarked the girl behind the bar of the Horse and Groom. “They’re all too busy shouting at each other.” And it’s possible there is something about this place that brings out the role-playing in everyone, a royal seat with a town reluctantly attached, a kind of Potemkin England with its waves of flags and tourist traps, a reverie to sell the tourists. What sort of reality were we really hoping to find here?
The real world does still intervene, if you look hard enough. A little distance from the chaotic mass, a couple of local civic-minded councillors were giving away leaflets. Enhance our parks and playgrounds. Renew broken streetlights. Deal with “grot spots”, whatever they are. This is the policy that genuinely affects people’s lives, far closer at any rate than some American president sitting in a royal transport that nobody can see. But they’re having a difficult period getting the point across. “We’re about looking after people, fixing things, taking care of communities,” says Mark Wilson of the Eton and Castle ward. “But that’s not what generates interest.”
Within the grounds, men in unusual headwear were playing wind devices. The banquet table in St George’s Hall was being laid. Outside, the crowds were leaving. The No 10 bus was well on its way to Staines. The woman in the Maga cap had dived into Wagamama to grab some teppanyaki. And it was impossible not to sense the chasm between these spheres, far thicker than a castle wall, worlds briefly close but eternally divided.
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